Soenke Zehle on Sun, 7 Jul 2002 16:24:01 +0200 (CEST) |
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[Nettime-bold] Oops -please send this one out. |
Has this gone out already? If not, please accept the corrected version below. S. Stiglitz is not the Answer by Soenke Zehle Joseph Stiglitz, nobel laureate and ex-World Bank economist, has become one in a series of official dissidents whose criticism of the "Washington Consensus" of trade-liberalization attracts the attention of the so-called "anti-globalization movement." With all the credentials of a convert, Stiglitz has entered the spotlight of mainstream as well as movement media. The story he tells, however, is yet another variety of the "market failure" argument. Given proper information and the internalization of whatever we deem problematic (cost of environmental "remediation", for instance - this is where market theorists see the role of the public), self-regulation and self-optimization will run their course. Ah yes, the Global South: let's open our markets so their restructured, export-oriented economies can finally sell their products to us. Access for all, if you will. This vision of self-organization is based on the assumption that markets are essentially rational. But once you break down the "world market" into its components, it becomes pretty confusing. Trying to map the constituent elements of the arms trade, I think of national security, the politics of military supranationalism (NATO-expansion), the indispensability of organized crime, corruption, double standards, competition for subsidies among political reps and their constituencies - no way to tell the rational from the irrational. Same with tourism, waste, and any number of others. But along with "reformers" like Stiglitz, a great deal of NGOs seek redemption in "open" institutions, transparency, accountability and have become major advocates of free trade. They will find it difficult to extricate themselves from the embrace by ex-WB-Stiglitz, IMF-Köhler, even the World Economic Forum. Hey, Bono thought they were nice people once he'd joined them on stage. But then, Greenpeace did pull out at the last minute because the economic elite wasn't quite ready to commit to new standards of automotive emissions. You have to draw the line somewhere. On the other hand, many NGOs have been reluctant to criticize corrupt ethnocracies in part because that'll sound quite a bit like the discourse of "good governance" at the heart of G8 paternalism toward Africa. One consequence has been that their is plenty of homogenization in the "movement" analyses of "globalization. So the language of Third Worldism and tricontinental solidarity survived, first the emergence of OPEC and the Newly Industrializing Countries, then the disintegration of the Non-Alignment Movement and the inability of the G77 to accomplish anything substantial to cover up its own heterogeneity, and now seems to go into a third round at the World Social Forum. Even Negri, who doesn't generally have a problem with his own generalizing/homogenizing concepts, finds this troubling. In the academy, postcolonialism has become an acceptable conceptual substitute for Third Worldism. I am not sure if observers of the geopolitical crisis of "Third Worldism" have found a comparable solution. But at least someone ought to write a an obituary so we can move on. The 2001 UN World Conference on Racism, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerance would be a good date, I think. If we accept the 1955 Bandung Conference as the date of birth, the Third World would have died in her mid-40s, way above the average life-expectancy in the Global South. At the end of Bandung, five pages sufficed to give birth to the political identity of a "Third World" modeled on the Third Estate of the French Revolution. In Durban, in the country that barely buried apartheid, almost 200 pages spelled out the global paralysis of identity politics. But things get too complicated, so maybe the "Third World" is alive and well after all, at least in the movement imagination. In India, for instance, the "movement" chooses to focus on the KRRS (known for their spectacular anti-biotech actions) and Vandana Shiva to make the case against Bio-IPR etc. - but the KRRS is but one of the major farmers' organizations and actually the only one to resist green-revolution-type agricultural modernization. Needless to say, "they" don't want what "we" want. But then the "people of Seattle" are mostly white and middle-class anyway. They were taken by surprise, for instance, when a global rift within the movement for debt cancellation appeared. Maybe it's time to rethink movement agendas from the color line. So how do you shift the controversy to a new terrain? What are the terms? Is it really a matter of sovereignty and self-determination for all, as parts of the NG0-Declaration at the World Social Forum seem to suggest? That's how Europe dismantled Yugoslavia, yet another ethnocratic state is about to emerge from the NATO/EU-protectorate Kosovo. Is it the language of transnationalism, along with a simultaneous acknowledgement of cultural diversity? The Golden Arches already rose over the Falafel Burger. Is it the language of a human rights universalism? Just make sure you're white before you ask CNN to organize an intervention. And then there were Michael Chossudovksy, Noam Chomsky, Walden Bello, Susan George who continue to "expose" the "contradictions" of all the market rhetoric. Well, once again we are OUTRAGED to hear that capitalism is just that - capitalism. The glue of anti-neoliberalism will not hold much longer. Not only because Stiglitz, Köhler, even Tom "Free Trade" Friedman are ready to concede that the market - as a mechanisms for resource allocation, as a model of socio-political organization - has its limitations. Also because neoliberalism is not what it used to be when Reagan was still riding off into the sunset. Keynes returned to office. The stock market Keynesianism of drastic interest-rate reductions is alive and well, National Missile Defense announces a parallel return to military Keynesianism. The level of private and corporate debt is too high, however, for a rerun of the reaganomics-cum-speculative-bubble-economy experience, dollar inflation already looms on the horizon - the Euro/Dollar parity might just be the first stage. States are resorting to recipes which serve primarily to socialize the tremendous losses of the corporate sector. Since transnational capital will not be able to do without the state, restructuring is on everyone's agenda. This includes most quarters of resistance, there are neo-Keynesian recipes all over the place. The Tobin-Tax is only its most prominent example. Some say it's because of the dominance of an older leftist expertocracy which continues to monopolize macroecenomic controversy, so the demand for a renewal of the regulatory state appears to unite the heterogeneous bunch that moves from summit to summit. Leftist-Keynesian recipes will make protesters a mere junior partner in the process of capitalist restructuration. And you don't need Keynes to argue your case against the WTO or in favor of debt cancellation, and the incommensurability of positions within the movement is certain to surface before too long. This is not to rain on anyone's social forum. But maybe we should simply admit that "globalization" - including theorizations of a global "movement agenda" - is actually not the best point of departure for that kind of discussion. I'm just wondering whether the official "critique" is not already losing some of its bite. _______________________________________________ Nettime-bold mailing list Nettime-bold@nettime.org http://amsterdam.nettime.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/nettime-bold