n_ik on Mon, 4 Nov 2002 02:32:01 +0100 (CET)
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[Nettime-bold] Re: <nettime> From Tactical Media to Digital Multitudes
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Title: Re: <nettime> From Tactical Media to Digital
Multitude
<McKenzie Wark wrote>
He was wrong about a lot of things, but
Marx did enjoin us to ask what he
called "the property question", and insisted that it was
where the
critical spirit begins and ends. And what if we ask the
"property
question" of the jumble of symptoms with which Lovink &
Schneider confront
us? The network of power starts to reveal itself more clearly.
Did the new movements arise out of thin air? Or did they arise out of
a
new stage in the development of the commodity economy? At both the
level
of the tools it had at its disposal, and the range of issues it
confronted, the new movement confronts a new class power. Only rarely
is
this class power named and identified at an abstract level. The
symptoms
of its (mis)rule have been charted by brave advocates and actvists.
But we
are all merely blind folks touching different parts of an elephant
and
trying to describe the totality from the detail we sense before us, in
our
fragment of everyday life.
I think the class struggle many
'counter-globalisation' protesters are engaged in is not so much a new
class struggle but an age-old one.
the bulk of the actions that have taken place against the global
institutions of capitalism in the last 5 or so years have taken place
in the countries of the global South - Bolivia, South Africa, India,
Mexico - or in countries "over the horizon", out of site
of CNN - South Korea etc. There isn't a single day where a
protest, blockade, occupation, etc takes place against the array of
institutions, corporations and governments of the North.
I would say that the overwhelming amount of protesters, activists,
revolutionaries, et al around the world are engaged with an old class
working through relatively new global mechanisms. The issues they have
been confronted with since the beginnings of colonisation and then
industrialisation are still very much the same - land, dignity,
autonomy, freedomŠ
But the main point I wanted to address is the question "Did the
new movements arise out of thin air? Or did they arise out of a new
stage in the development of the commodity economy?". To which the
short answer is they arose out of a set of catalytic 'encuentro's'
organised by the Zapatistas and then by string of international
actions organised through the Peoples Global Action networkŠ
[from http://www/agp.prg]
"The sense of possibility that this uprising gave to millions of
people across the globe was extraordinary. In 1996, the Zapatistas,
with trepidation as they thought no-one might come, sent out an email
calling for a gathering, called an "encuentro" (encounter),
of international activists and intellectuals to meet in specially
constructed arenas in the Chiapas jungle to discuss commontactics,
problems and solutions. Six thousand people attended, and spent days
talking and sharing their stories of struggle against the common
enemy: capitalism.
This was followed a year later by a gathering in Spain, where the idea
for the construction of a more action focused network, to be named
Peoples' Global Action (PGA), was hatched by a group made up of
activists from ten of the largest and most innovative social
movements. They included the Zapatistas, Movimento Sem Terra, (the
Brazilian Landless Peasants Movement who occupy and live on large
tracts of unproductive land) and the Karnataka State Farmers Union
(KRRS), renowned for their "cremate Monsanto" campaign which
involved burning fields of Genetically Modified crops.
The group (who became the PGA convenors committee, a role that rotates
every year) drafted a document outlining some of the primary
objectives and organisational principles of the emerging network. It
outlined a firm rejection of appeals to those in power for reforms to
the present world order. A support for direct action as a means of
communities reclaiming control over their lives, and an organisational
philosophy based on autonomy and decentralisation. In February 1998,
Peoples' Global Action was born. For the first time ever the worlds
grassroots movements were beginning to talk and share experiences
without the mediation of the media or Non Governmental Organisations
(NGO's)."
The string of actions - that arguably gave birth the current
'wave' of actions and movements of movements - started in May 1998
with an international day of action against the world bank. This was
quickly followed by an 'intercontinental caravan' that traveled
through Europe, and he 'J18' international day of action [you can
read the reports here:
http://www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/agp/free/global/j18.htm]. The
next on the list of actions was N30 - or what CNN dubbed
'Seattle'Š
Now, I'm not just nit-picking here. Its important to remember what
has come before - especially the histories of resistance. Its
saddening to note that the 'counter-globalisation' movements, with
their histories bound up with those of the Zapatistas - the ones who
reminded us that remembering is a weapon - can be turned from an
international network and a series of projects based on decentralised
and confrontational actions into 'Seattle' - into a singular
movement born from a city at the heart of Empire. Or at least that its
mythology - one of its most potent weapons - can be so easily
blunted by a TV camera, and that the faces of resistance can be so
easily obscured.
And I think its not just the richness of the histories that this
change obscures - it is also the vastness of the alternatives that
it is throwing up that is obscured. Its not true that they don't
offer 'alternatives' the current order of things. From farming
methods, to communal land use, to systems of regional autonomy to
mixed economies and markets, new mythologies and way of interacting
with each other, from new media forms, and rich systems of
participatory decision making to the rediscoveries of ways of
community /barrio governance - the counter-globalisation movements,
while not presenting programs for change, are most definitely creating
'the new in the old'.
The question as I see it is "can the strategy of the 'new in
the old' work on a large enough scale?". Are the networks
strong enough to fight these institutions, the corporations, and the
governments of the North and win? Or will it all have to collapse
before change can be made?
--
+ since I
refuse 'reality' and since for me what is possible is already partly
real, I am indeed a utopian ... a partisan of possibilitie
+