Dan S. Wang on Fri, 9 Nov 2018 01:34:43 +0100 (CET) |
[Date Prev] [Date Next] [Thread Prev] [Thread Next] [Date Index] [Thread Index]
<nettime> Fascist "trolls" and back on track |
Thank you, Angela. Until Ryan singled out the tasteless and revealing remark about Charlottesville, it hadn¹t registered for me. Why not? Because in Bard¹s response addressed to me, his first line about my post being "so very very brilliant" put me off to the extent that I didn't even read the rest of it. I had seen enough to engage directly. My desire was to throw some thoughts, spun out from that thread, for the list at large. My references to Bard's lines and "arguments" were, I hope, taken as intended. Which is to say, with an edge of ridicule. The fascist shibboleths regarding identity politics can be dispensed with and I thank Ian, Alice, Angela, Ryan, Ted and others for clearing this space of that. I, for one, would be grateful to have the conversation continued about the genesis of identity politics in various national contexts, and its contemporary usefulness--or dysfunction. Without the fascist Bard. So, back to the irregularly scheduled programming: Here is an observation about the Millennial activist US subcultures to which I have been exposed. In my experience both in activist and teaching settings, today's twenty-somethings have an understandable fascination with the 60s/70s period, of course as I did. Their relationship to a comparatively more distant time is itself interesting to me, and, I would say, presents challenges that sometimes are not met productively. (Let me say here, before I get accused of hating on the kids, that the young people are our hope in the US. GenQ, I call them, for Generation Queer--the POC/mixed/queer rad youth who were the first ones out in the streets in a rage on election night in 2016, the ones who are knitting together causes and constituencies as intuitively as they take to the burn of the tattoo gun, the ones who are feeling the despair of climate catastrophe in ways a 50 y.o. like myself cannot even imagine--and yet press on, with a general kindness toward each other that I never expressed as a young person. I am critical but that doesn't lessen my admiration. Btw I have a 22 y.o. daughter, so I am not entirely personally disconnected to the new generation.) There is now a social movement canon in place that was not yet established in my 80s student days; we were still living through a hangover period. Many of the figures vaunted today as legend were still out and about, no longer on the lam, resurfacing to haunt the college lecture circuit, and still raising ruckuses in perfectly human--which is to say, contradictory ways. On many levels it was easier in the 80s for young activists to feel a continuity with the old guard, people who were no more heroic than we potentially could be. The fact that overall life conditions, particularly around information technology and other kinds of speedy mobility, had not made the quantum departure it would in the late 90s, also had the effect of linking us to the earlier radicalisms, even with movements in retreat, even when we were reacting against their excesses and blind spots. For younger people now, the gap between the 60s/70s and the present day must feel like the chasm between myth and reality. And yet, those are the go-to touchstones. Panthers, SDS, Malcolm, Stonewall, etc etc. The beginnings of those movements, the full expression of those figures and projects, remain inspiring. But it is in the defeats, failures, cooptations, and disintegrations that the most valuable lessons lay. The decline of the mass movements--and parallel opportunism of the right wing--is missing in the received history. The reason for this? My take is, liberal mainstream education seeks to include a diversity of narratives but depoliticizes them. Thus, what gets taught--and consequently internalized--is a moral narrative rather than a political one. For example, it is the moral analysis of the Civil Rights movement that gets emphasized in US high schools, not the problem of political powerlessness. So US history gets taught as a forward march of moral progress, not a back-and-forth contest over resources and labor. The reduction of politics to a question of good and bad people deeply afflicts radical political subcultures in the US, and I see it particularly in the younger generation. I do not dismiss such moral calculations at all, but I do think they can be destructive to movement-building when the pseudo-politics of moralism play out in close range, producing conflict horizontally among would-be allies, and not vertically, leaving those who hold positions of 'power-over' untouched. That the pseudo-politics often deploys a discourse of identity is where my afore-described 80s context for the rise of identity politics would be helpful, I think--to reclaim identity politics for it was and always will be: a reserve well of power located in the deeply personal (a kind of incipience, Hardt & Negri would call it) that even slavery could not eradicate, and from which we may build out the broad tide of insurgency that vastly overflows the personal. My critique of Haider's book is that he draws almost exclusively from a fairly distant past for his models of a new class politics: Combahee River Collective, etc. He makes no argument for present day models, does not outline a potential model for today's conditions (even as he makes clear that the Occupy movement held promise), and largely skips over the 'movement of movements' of the Zapatista-inspired 90s. I think it is appropriate for Nettime, being a living relic of that 90s moment, to be grappling with the question of new class formation now, i.e. a class meaningless without POC/womyn/genderqueer/migrant leadership at its very center--but that will, given the logics of oncoming plurality math (first in the US, then in Canada, Australia, and European countries) need to include for full political strength white segments beyond the already 'woke.' Any perspectives from actual 20-somethings would be most welcome, of course! Yours in infinitely divisible social difference, Dan w. From: <nettime-l-bounces@mail.kein.org> on behalf of Angela Mitropoulos <s0metim3s@gmail.com> Date: Tuesday, November 6, 2018 at 3:31 PM To: nettime <nettime-l@kein.org> Subject: <nettime> Fascist "trolls," meta As briefly as possible, responses to various threads/remarks bundled up below: I've been on this list since, I think, 2003. This was the first time I've ever suggested someone be thrown off. As someone else noted, times have changed; but also, I can spot a fascist set of talking points because I've learned how to do that. It's a skill, learn it, it might save someone's life in a context where fascist trolling is also about inciting and legitimating violence against Jews, black people, women, transpeople, migrants. https://medium.com/@DeoTasDevil/the-rhetoric-tricks-traps-and-tactics-of-wh ite-nationalism-b0bca3caeb84 I do not need to debate fascists to know that they exist, to understand how they think, or to fight their influence. Including them in online spaces has the effect of undermining the involvement of critical voices in those spaces. I think it's an egotistical indulgence to believe one can "debunk" fascism. It isn't just an innocuous or discomforting idea in a "marketplace of ideas," but--as an idea regarding the purported fundamental inferiority of groups of people--an idea that pushes toward restructuring the space and terms of involvement in debate by destroying the assumption of equality. This is the reason why antifascists have insisted on a policy of no-platforming. Not all trolls are fascists, but all fascists are trolls. Everyone lies, but fascists lie as a matter of course because it feeds their sense of supremacy. So, fascists will of course whisper in your ear about Marx, "identity politics," and "the white working class," as Bannon has done (this is playbook). They are all sleaze and bullshit, like Trump, even if it comes wrapped in faux-high theory to flatter the Nettime set. On the problem of dismissing fascists as just trolls: https://www.vox.com/2016/11/23/13659634/alt-right-trolling I think anyone who invokes Marx's name in support of a 'class first' position is a charlatan. I am confident in saying this because I've done a lot of work to be able to say it with confidence. Put another way, I'm prepared to wager than of the 4k subscribers to this list, I've read more Marx more often over many years. Those who wave Marx's name over reactionary positions are performing a deference to a mystical patriarchal authority, while at the same treating Marx's writings with utter disdain. I have criticisms of Marx, sure, because I treat him as a writer, not a cult figure. The practice of using black women as deflector shields to defend from possible criticism of racism and misogyny is a media strategy loved by the far Right. Ironically, it trades on the crudest kind of 'identity politics' by implying that if x (Candace Owens, whatever) hold a position then it could not possibly be racist or sexist. It's a version of "but I have a black female friend" defense. It is an ad hominem in reverse, not an argument about anything. I wrote this some time ago on the media's fascination with Nazi profile pieces: https://s0metim3s.com/2017/12/05/arendt-banality-nazism/ This is a concise account of why you cannot "debunk" fascism: https://lithub.com/fascism-is-not-an-idea-to-be-debated-its-a-set-of-action s-to-fight/ This is on fascist creeping, a handy term imo: https://truthout.org/articles/exposing-and-defeating-the-fascist-creep/ Another handy term is "red-brown," which refers to a reactionary impulse on what passes for the Left to align with fascists, and people who presumably think that this time around they won't be murdered in a Night of the Long Knives after they've served their purpose of consolidating support for fascism. I wanted to just thank some people for weighing in with clear eyes: Alice Yang, Flick Harrison, Ana Ulin, Ian Alan Paul, Dan Wang, Alessandra Renzi, Sean Smith, Ryan Griffis, Julia Röder, David Garcia, Nina Temporär, Frank, bronac ferran. (I may have missed some people, too many threads etc, apologies if I have) And, Ted, finally, thanks for moving on it. best, Angela # distributed via : no commercial use without permission # is a moderated mailing list for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: http://mx.kein.org/mailman/listinfo/nettime-l # archive: http://www.nettime.org contact: nettime@kein.org # @nettime_bot tweets mail w/ sender unless #ANON is in Subject: # distributed via <nettime>: no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a moderated mailing list for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: http://mx.kein.org/mailman/listinfo/nettime-l # archive: http://www.nettime.org contact: nettime@kein.org # @nettime_bot tweets mail w/ sender unless #ANON is in Subject: