JSalloum on Sun, 20 Dec 1998 01:02:32 EST |
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Syndicate: more on the war |
Subject: Edward Said on Iran/iraq Crisis > [Source: http://www.salam.org/iraq/apocalypse.html] > > Apocalypse Now > > by Edward Said > It would be a mistake, I think, to reduce what is happening between Iraq > and the United States simply to an assertion of Arab will and sovereignty > on the one hand versus American imperialism, which undoubtedly plays a > central role in all this. However misguided, Saddam Hussein's cleverness is > not that he is splitting America from its allies (which he has not really > succeeded in doing for any practical purpose) but that he is exploiting the > astonishing clumsiness and failures of US foreign policy. Very few people, > least of all Saddam himself, can be fooled into believing him to be the > innocent victim of American bullying; most of what is happening to his > unfortunate people who are undergoing the most dreadful and unacknowledged > suffering is due in considerable degree to his callous cynicism -- first of > all, his indefensible and ruinous invasion of Kuwait, his persecution of > the Kurds, his cruel egoism and pompous self-regard which persists in > aggrandizing himself and his regime at exorbitant and, in my opinion, > totally unwarranted cost. It is impossible for him to plead the case for > national security and sovereignty now given his abysmal disregard of it in > the case of Kuwait and Iran. > Be that as it may, US vindictiveness, whose sources I shall look at in a > moment, has exacerbated the situation by imposing a regime of sanctions > which, as Sandy Berger, the American National Security adviser has just > said proudly, is unprecedented for its severity in the whole of world > history. 567,000 Iraqi civilians have died since the Gulf War, mostly as a > result of disease, malnutrition and deplorably poor medical care. > Agriculture and industry are at a total standstill. This is unconscionable > of course, and for this the brazen inhumanity of American policy-makers is > also very largely to blame. But we must not forget that Saddam is feeding > that inhumanity quite deliberately in order to dramatize the opposition > between the US and the rest of the Arab world; having provoked a crisis > with the US (or the UN dominated by the US) he at first dramatised the > unfairness of the sanctions. But by continuing it as he is now doing, the > issue has changed and has become his non-compliance, and the terrible > effects of the sanctions have been marginalised. Still the underlying > causes of an Arab/US crisis remain. > A careful analysis of that crisis is imperative. The US has always opposed > any sign of Arab nationalism or independence, partly for its own imperial > reasons and partly because its unconditional support for Israel requires it > to do so. Since the l973 war, and despite the brief oil embargo, Arab > policy up to and including the peace process has tried to circumvent or > mitigate that hostility by appealing to the US for help, by "good" > behavior, by willingness to make peace with Israel. Yet mere compliance > with the US's wishes can produce nothing except occasional words of > American approbation for leaders who appear "moderate": Arab policy was > never backed up with coordination, or collective pressure, or fully agreed > upon goals. Instead each leader tried to make separate arrangements both > with the US and with Israel, none of which produced very much except > escalating demands and a constant refusal by the US to exert any meaningful > pressure on Israel. The more extreme Israeli policy becomes the more likely > the US has been to support it. And the less respect it has for the large > mass of Arab peoples whose future and well-being are mortgaged to illusory > hopes embodied, for instance, in the Oslo accords. > Moreover, a deep gulf separates Arab culture and civilization on the one > hand, from the United States on the other, and in the absence of any > collective Arab information and cultural policy, the notion of an Arab > people with traditions, cultures and identities of their own is simply > inadmissible in the US. Arabs are dehumanized, they are seen as violent > irrational terrorists always on the lookout for murder and bombing > outrages. The only Arabs worth doing business with for the US are compliant > leaders, businessmen, military people whose arms purchases (the highest per > capita in the world) are helping the American economy keep afloat. Beyond > that there is no feeling at all, for instance, for the dreadful suffering > of the Iraqi people whose identity and existence have simply been lost > sight of in the present situation. > This morbid, obsessional fear and hatred of the Arabs has been a constant > theme in US foreign policy since World War Two. In some way also, anything > positive about the Arabs is seen in the US as a threat to Israel. In this > respect pro-Israeli American Jews, traditional Orientalists, and military > hawks have played a devastating role. Moral opprobrium is heaped on Arab > states as it is on no others. Turkey, for example, has been conducting a > campaign against the Kurds for several years, yet nothing is heard about > this in the US. Israel occupies territory illegally for thirty years, it > violates the Geneva conventions at will, conducts invasions, terrorist > attacks and assassinations against Arabs, and still, the US vetoes every > sanction against it in the UN. Syria, Sudan, Libya, Iraq are classified as > "rogue" states. Sanctions against them are far harsher than against any > other countries in the history of US foreign policy. And still the US > expects that its own foreign policy agenda ought to prevail (eg., the > woefully misguided Doha economic summit) despite its hostility to the > collective Arab agenda. > In the case of Iraq a number of further extenuations make the US even more > repressive. Burning in the collective American unconscious is a puritanical > zeal decreeing the sternest possible attitude towards anyone deemed to be > an unregenerate sinner. This clearly guided American policy towards the > native American Indians, who were first demonized, then portrayed as > wasteful savages, then exterminated, their tiny remnant confined to > reservations and concentration camps. This almost religious anger fuels a > judgemental attitude that has no place at all in international politics, > but for the United States it is a central tenet of its worldwide behavior. > Second, punishment is conceived in apocalyptic terms. During the Vietnam > war a leading general advocated -- and almost achieved -- the goal of > bombing the enemy into the stone age. The same view prevailed during the > Gulf War in l99l. Sinners are meant to be condemned terminally, with the > utmost cruelty regardless of whether or not they suffer the cruelest > agonies. The notion of "justified" punishment for Iraq is now uppermost in > the minds of most American consumers of news, and with that goes an almost > orgiastic delight in the gathering power being summoned to confront Iraq in > the Gulf. > Pictures of four (or is now five?) immense aircraft carriers steaming > virtuously away punctuate breathless news bulletins about Saddam's > defiance, and the impending crisis. The President announces that he is > thinking not about the Gulf but about the 21st century: how can we tolerate > Iraq's threat to use biological warfare even though (this is unmentioned) > it is clear from the UNSCOM reports that he neither has the missile > capacity, nor the chemical arms, nor the nuclear arsenal, nor in fact the > anthrax bombs that he is alleged to be brandishing? Forgotten in all this > is that the US has all the terror weapons known to humankind, is the only > country to have used a nuclear bomb on civilians, and as recently as seven > years ago dropped 66,000 tons of bombs on Iraq. As the only country > involved in this crisis that has never had to fight a war on its own soil, > it is easy for the US and its mostly brain-washed citizens to speak in > apocalyptic terms. A report out of Australia on Sunday, November l6 > suggests that Israel and the US are thinking about a neutron bomb on > Baghdad. > Unfortunately the dictates of raw power are very severe and, for a weak > state like Iraq, overwhelming. Certainly US misuse of the sanctions to > strip Iraq of everything, including any possibility for security is > monstrously sadistic. The so-called UN 661 Committee created to oversee the > sanctions is composed of fifteen member states (including the US) each of > which has a veto. Every time Iraq passes this committee a request to sell > oil for medicines, trucks, meat, etc., any member of the committee can > block these requests by saying that a given item may have military purposes > (tires, for example, or ambulances). In addition the US and its clients -- > eg., the unpleasant and racist Richard Butler, who says openly that Arabs > have a different notion of truth than the rest of the world -- have made it > clear that even if Iraq is completely reduced militarily to the point where > it is no longer a threat to its neighbors (which is now the case) the real > goal of the sanctions is to topple Saddam Hussein's government. In other > words according to the Americans, very little that Iraq can do short of > Saddam's resignation or death will produce a lifting of sanctions. Finally, > we should not for a moment forget that quite apart from its foreign policy > interest, Iraq has now become a domestic American issue whose repercussions > on issues unrelated to oil or the Gulf are very important. Bill Clinton's > personal crises -- the campaign-funding scandals, an impending trial for > sexual harassment, his various legislative and domestic failures -- require > him to look strong, determined and "presidential" somewhere else, and where > but in the Gulf against Iraq has he so ready-made a foreign devil to set > off his blue-eyed strength to full advantage. Moreover, the increase in > military expenditure for new investments in electronic "smart" weaponry, > more sophisticated aircraft, mobile forces for the world-wide projection of > American power are perfectly suited for display and use in the Gulf, where > the likelihood of visible casualties (actually suffering Iraqi civilians) > is extremely small, and where the new military technology can be put > through its paces most attractively. For reasons that need restating here, > the media is particularly happy to go along with the government in bringing > home to domestic customers the wonderful excitement of American > self-righteousness, the proud flag-waving, the "feel-good" sense that "we" > are facing down a monstrous dictator. Far from analysis and calm reflection > the media exists mainly to derive its mission from the government, not to > produce a corrective or any dissent. The media, in short, is an extension > of the war against Iraq. > The saddest aspect of the whole thing is that Iraqi civilians seem > condemned to additional suffering and protracted agony. Neither their > government nor that of the US is inclined to ease the daily pressure on > them, and the probability that only they will pay for the crisis is > extremely high. At least -- and it isn't very much -- there seems to be no > enthusiasm among Arab governments for American military action, but beyond > that there is no coordinated Arab position, not even on the extremely grave > humanitarian question. It is unfortunate that, according to the news, there > is rising popular support for Saddam in the Arab world, as if the old > lessons of defiance without real power have still not been learned. > Undoubtedly the US has manipulated the UN to its own ends, a rather > shameful exercise given at the same time that the Congress once again > struck down a motion to pay a billion dollars in arrears to the world > organization. The major priority for Arabs, Europeans, Muslims and > Americans is to push to the fore the issue of sanctions and the terrible > suffering imposed on innocent Iraqi civilians. Taking the case to the > International Court in the Hague strikes me as a perfectly viable > possibility, but what is needed is a concerted will on behalf of Arabs who > have suffered the US's egregious blows for too long without an adequate > response. > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > This article was first published in Arabic in Al-Hayat, London, and in > English in Al Ahram Weekly, Cairo.